Petriotism: Petriotism is the love for ones nation. This is one of the major tools for promotion of national Unity, infact it is the bedrock of national Unity, because when there is love for ones nation, such love will engineer the spirit of brotherhood and fraternity among citizens.
A patriotic citizen will avail himself to be used as an instrument for creating germain policies for national growth.
A patriotic citizen will be willing to die for his own country, and also hold sacred the unity of his country. Showing Hospitality Especially to Strangers: In other to promote national Unity, there is need to be hospitable, that is showing love and kindness to people around you, especially strangers. Showing hospitality to people points a good impression, of a person with purity of heart and eager for a peaceful co-existence. Showing People hospitality will always make them to reciprocate to other people and the circle continues.
Living a Life Devoid of Discrimination: Discrimination is the act of avoiding inter-relationship with other people, because of their tribes, colour, ethnic group etc. It is one of the root cause of lack of national Unity, this is because when a particular sect of people a constantly duscrminated by others, those being discriminated, develop a feeling of insecurity and subsequently it might lead to hatred.
If this is not diplomatically handled, it might also lead to revolt. Discrimination should be completely avoided, everyone deserves to be treated with love and respect. Encouraging inter-tribal Marriages: One of the best way of promoting national peace is through intertribal marriages amongst young people who are willing to get married.
When in-laws of other ethnic extraction are made, it will foaster a relationship that will linger for ages, this is also a way of fusing People together to get a hybrid.
By Jahaberdeen M. Through Many Windows 10 Oct The authority and the people. Through Many Windows 03 Oct The judiciary and the people. Analysis 1d ago Premium Few secrets in the Melaka poll.
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Factually incorrect. Story is irrelevant. This field is mandatory. Email optional Please enter valid email. Please re-try again. Thank you for your report! Related News. On the contrary, he recognizes that over time, memory fades, and the people's commitment to the law decays in turn. He warns Israel, "[w]hen you have begotten children and children's children and are long established in the land, should you act wickedly Through this kind of willful recollection, the supportive pillars of the nation are maintained.
With this framework in mind, it's worth looking at Lincoln's description of the Battle of Trenton in his New Jersey Senate speech:. I remember all the accounts there given of the battle fields and struggles for the liberties of the country, and none fixed themselves upon my imagination so deeply as the struggle here at Trenton, New-Jersey. The crossing of the river; the contest with the Hessians; the great hardships endured at that time.
Similarly, as Wilfred McClay observed in these pages , the "mystic chords of memory" Lincoln invoked in his first inaugural were said to stretch "from every battlefield and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad land" emphasis added.
Historical memories come alive, therefore, only when they are brought into the present. This kind of social and political "reconstruction of the past" is described at length by 20th-century philosopher and sociologist Maurice Halbwachs in his book On Collective Memory. On the personal level, Halbwachs writes that "[w]e preserve memories of each epoch in our lives, and these are continually reproduced; through them Memory and identity are thus inextricably linked to one another.
Moses and Lincoln in his later speeches applied this link to the collective level, insisting that national memory is vital to the nation's identity. An individual's identity, according to psychologist Erik Erikson, entails "the ability to experience one's self as something that has continuity Memory thus preserves an individual's identity over time. The nation, too, ensures the perpetuation of its identity by recalling and continually reliving its memories. In this way, memory mystically overcomes the natural barriers imposed by the passage of time.
This is not to say that the Biblical approach to national perpetuation denies the importance that Lincoln, in his early years, placed on collective creed. This weakness is particularly acute when the nation's creed is articulated and defended on rationalist grounds alone, as Lincoln attempted in his Lyceum Address.
Ultimately, this is simply a reflection of the limits of reason to speak to the most fundamental moral and political questions. Alasdair MacIntyre demonstrated these limits in After Virtue by examining moral questions like war and abortion. The kinds of moral justifications used to accept or reject these possibilities are typically neither overtly rational nor irrational.
Such an acknowledgement highlights a significant weakness of Lincoln's early vision of a nation united by a creed defended primarily through "cold, calculating, unimpassioned reason. This liability is heightened when, as they eventually must, nations attempt to interpret or apply their axiomatic values amid changing realities, whether technological, cultural, or philosophical. Even if a nation affirms the inherited political and moral axioms of its forbears in toto , it remains difficult to discern how those values ought to be implemented in unanticipated circumstances.
In one sense, this is just a natural function of the necessarily limited scope of any single moral or political tradition. On a deeper level, though, this problem is rooted in the cultural contingency of values, language, and symbols. The encounter with a changing milieu warps the meaning of inherited norms, beliefs, and rules in a way that dislodges them from their original intended purpose, leading to fundamental disagreements over how the nation's values should be implemented. This is why national memory must, precisely for the sake of the nation's creed, be prioritized ahead of the creed: National memory is essential to anchoring the nation's principles in their appropriate context.
To keep the context of the values firm, those events need to be relived. By continually and collectively re-experiencing its formative memories, the nation is able to preserve something of the context necessary to collectively decipher the normative values, traditions, and laws it has inherited.
This understanding is likewise reflected in the subtle shift Lincoln makes in his language over time. Earlier, Lincoln contrasted American history and memory with the principles of the Declaration of Independence. In his New Jersey Senate speech, however, he referred to the "liberties of the people, [which] shall be perpetuated in accordance with the original idea for which that struggle was made.
Bringing the past into the present is not the same as living in the past. Similarly, anchoring the nation in its origins is not the same as insisting that it dwell there forever. These goals are not only counterproductive, they are ultimately impossible. For, as Halbwachs correctly observes, "even at the moment of reproducing the past our imagination remains under the influence of the present social milieu.
The society wishes to adopt these larger and deeper beliefs without entirely rupturing the framework of notions in which it has matured up until this point But this is possible only if society does not confront all of the past, if it at least preserves the forms of the past.
What Halbwachs describes here is a framework for gradual change. Nevertheless, the nation must occasionally evolve, often due to the introduction of some new worthy ideal or to refinements in the understanding of old ones.
It must also be prepared to categorically reject changes as well. Most important, the call to adapt must be made not through efforts to reject or forget the past, but by appealing to that past.
Implement unity programmes of yesteryears that united us all; they still stood the test of time. After 56 years of Merdeka and independence from the British colonial masters, there is no excuse for ordinary Malaysians of all races not to be fluent in Bahasa Malaysia, the national language. The English language may still be the international lingua fraca for doing business here, but the only way to real racial unity among the masses is through mastering Bahasa Malaysia, the national language.
To unite a nation after each intensely fought general election, sports is the most effective and viable remedy to bring citizens of all political inclinations and races together, under a common platform. National unity can also be harnessed by getting Malaysians to view the World Cup together in hour restaurants, cheering their respective favourite teams in action. When a goal was scored in the rain-soaked Merdeka Stadium, fans of all races rejoiced. Watching the nation winning the Thomas Cup Final in brought Malaysians of all races united together.
The entire nation dropped their tools and rooted for Malaysia for six hours. It was such an important match of national interest and our nation beat as one. A true Muhibbah spirit indeed to show to the world.
Festive seasons bring a true message of unity and hope to ALL Malaysians. During festive seasons, all Malaysians can unite together and forget all differences that can lead to racial and religious conflicts. The recent Sept 18 Scottish referendum on whether the year-old union with England stays or not was a lesson for us on nation-building. We must hold National Unity Conferences regularly among the races. They can only succeed if various parties, from top leaders to ordinary citizens, play their role to uphold unity.
Lately, too many racial comments have been spewed by certain leaders which threaten racial harmony.
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